Post by robeiae on Jan 10, 2017 8:01:57 GMT -5
I saw this study referenced in another article, and I felt inclined to explore it:
Deaths of Despair and Support for Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election
From it:
She looks at Trump's performance as compared to Romney's at the county level. Results:
I find the New England numbers particularly significant, myself.
She does--in the conclusion--caution strongly against making all of this causal, but it's hard to ignore the linkages, imo.
Deaths of Despair and Support for Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election
From it:
Here I examine the relationship between county-level rates of mortality from drugs, alcohol and suicide (2006-2014) and voting patterns in the 2016 Presidential election. I focus on three regions where the drug epidemic has received considerable attention: the Industrial Midwest,
Appalachia, and New England. Because much of the narrative surrounding Trump’s election success has emphasized the role of economic distress7
and working-class voters, I include these factors in my analyses.
Appalachia, and New England. Because much of the narrative surrounding Trump’s election success has emphasized the role of economic distress7
and working-class voters, I include these factors in my analyses.
She looks at Trump's performance as compared to Romney's at the county level. Results:
Nationally, and in all three regions, Trump performed better than Romney in counties with higher drug, alcohol and suicide mortality rates (See Figure 1). The relationship between mortality and Trump’s performance was particularly pronounced in the Industrial Midwest and New England. In the Industrial Midwest, Trump did better than Romney by an average of 16.7 percent in the highest mortality counties compared to 8.1 percent in the lowest mortality counties. In New England, Trump actually did worse than Romney by an average of 3.1 percent in the lowest mortality counties, but did better than Romney by an average of nearly 10 percent in the highest mortality counties. The differences were less pronounced in Appalachia, where Trump over-performed by 10 percent in the highest mortality counties and by 6 percent in the lowest mortality counties. These patterns held in both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan counties in all three regions.
I find the New England numbers particularly significant, myself.
She does--in the conclusion--caution strongly against making all of this causal, but it's hard to ignore the linkages, imo.